Call for submissions: Imagine New Brunswick 2030


Written by Daniel Tubb and Abram Lutes on June 9, 2019 

Climate change is scary; it is an emergency. We want to change the narrative, and we want your ideas, your stories, and your hope from the future.

First, a preamble. In October 2018 the IPCC gave us twelve years to make dramatic changes to our way of life before the impacts of climate change become irreversible. Eight months have passed since that announcement, and yet it seems that politics continues as usual, even as floods and forest fires ravage the country. Forest fires in Alberta forced Jason Kenney to cancel his planned announcement celebrating the roll-back of the provincial carbon tax, a pyrrhic victory all around. 

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In Praise of Small Places

Culture, Vol. 13, No. 1 - Publics

by Daniel Tubb, Assistant Professor, Anthropology, UNB Fredericton.

There is a North American phenomenon of young people from rural areas and small towns and medium-sized cities moving to the Big City. In Canada, the destinations are Toronto or Montreal, Vancouver or Calgary. In the US, they are New York or Chicago, Los Angeles or San Francisco. But are big places so necessary for creative work?

Richard Florida suggested in 2004 that innovation is urban, and that the “creative class” requires cities. Dense populations and cafes and bars and restaurants and theatres and concerts and bookstores are the intoxicating fuel of creative people. Sarah Schulman, in a way, eviscerates this idea with her haunting critique of the gentrification of urban spaces and the mind, which occurred in New York after the AIDS crisis. Still, she celebrates the authentic artistic scene of urban spaces that she experienced moving to gritty and vibrant New York in the 1970s and 1980s.

Academia has its own narrative where urban places promote creativity and productivity. A class system of prestige accrues to the large, cosmopolitan, research-intensive universities. We seek them out as undergraduate students, as graduate students, and as faculty. They are intensely competitive. Getting in as a student is hard—as faculty well-nigh impossible. As with the trope of successful people in the Big City, if a scholar doesn’t go to a Top University, it is seen as they couldn’t, not as they didn’t want to.

Why such reticence to the small places and their small universities? One is what I’ve come to think of as prejudice against rurality—to echo Wendell Berry’s observation about the prejudice against country people. We need to blow up the academic and social prejudices against small towns and flyover states and the backwoods and their universities. This might need an intersectional perspective to consider people in place, but I digress. What I want to extend here is an invitation to the freedom one can find on the periphery.

My ticket out of a village in Eastern Ontario was a small university. Applying for graduate school and then jobs, I felt the prestige of the Big City and Big Centers. After several years, I finally found a job at the University of New Brunswick. I was lucky, and I didn’t even know it. I hadn’t yet realized the benefits of small places.

In March 2019, I was listening to CBC Radio host Tom Powers interview the Irish-Canadian playwright, literary historian, novelist, and screenwriter Emma Donaghue, who lives and works in the mid-sized Canadian city of London, Ontario.

“I understand one of the things you love about being here is how productive you get to be. Is that right?” Tom asked.

“If I were in some big glitzy international megacity of the 21st century, there’d be a lot to distract me,” Emma replied. “But, as it is, I’ve had twenty-one years here, and I’ve written quite a lot because there’s not so much getting in the way.”

“That’s a compliment, right?”

“I think so. I mean, London, do you want to be in a city where writers party, or where writers write award-winning screenplays?”

Do you want to be in a city where Anthropologists party, or a town where Anthropologists can get things done?

Fredericton is no 21st-century international megacity. Things shut down on a Sunday afternoon. I am one of a handful of sociocultural anthropologists in the entire province. It is not a city where anthropologists party, although we did host CASCA a few years before my time, and I’ve been to my fair share of parties. There are even more talks and lectures and events than I manage to attend.

Yet, Fredericton and the University of New Brunswick provide conditions more valuable than the so-called urban innovation engendered by Big Cities and their Universities.

Why?

The non-existent commute. Dropping my son and wife off is a ten-minute drive. It’s also walkable. A hike in the woods is a few minutes away. There is no traffic, except for a few minutes at five o’clock in the afternoon. The city has places to walk, bike, ski, swim, and do many kinds of things.

The money. It may be gauche to say it, but rent is cheap, daycare is in the hundreds, not thousands, of dollars. If the time comes, house prices are affordable—some of the cheapest in the country.

A community. I see friends, and we can do things, planning hours not weeks in advance. Having time to meet friend and find a community and recharge, can paradoxically be much harder in a larger city.

The anonymity and lack of competition. I am a small fish in a small pond, yet there are no big fish to gobble me up. I can put my head down and get to work. The university, like any other, keeps me busy. Classes and service and committees and students and meetings and writing and research and grants and email. I run seminars and I teach too widely. But I know my students well, and they number in the dozens and not hundreds. I feel I can slow down a bit, as much as one can at the beginning of the tenure track.

The extra time is time to write, to think, to teach, to invent, to pursue new ideas, to meet, and to organize workshops and events. I’ve had time to write my dissertation into a book, publish some shorter articles, start another book, and successfully apply for a number of grants. My priority is to balance teaching and writing, and here I’ve had time for that and to think and perhaps reach a new public.

One new public, it seems to me, is defined by the places we live. I’m an ethnographer of mining in Colombia, and now of mining in rural New Brunswick.

I write in the morning for a bit, I go to class, I write in the afternoon for a bit. Or, I go to a coffee shop. Or, I walk across the river.

Sure, the grass is greener. I would like more doctoral and masters students, to teach less widely, more colleagues to talk ethnography with, and more scholars and people who care about Colombia and Latin America.

But would all that intellectual partying let me have so much time to think and write?

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A message from New Brunswick’s future – Imagine NB 2030

Written by Daniel Tubb on May 17, 2019 


in EnvironmentFrederictonNew BrunswickPolitics - No comments

David Coon, MLA for Fredericton South and New Brunswick’s Green Party Leader, joins the youth rallying for climate action at the New Brunswick Legislature in Fredericton in April 2019. Photo by Jill Watson.

In the optimistic spirit of the Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s Message from the Future, this is a speculative look back from 2030, which imagines Canada and New Brunswick from 2030, to think about how we met our climate change obligations. It is fiction, but it need not be.

The New Brunswick Green New Deal began to seem possible eleven years ago. It was 2019, and that spring floodwaters ravaged New Brunswick; the Ottawa River washed through the capital; a dike levy broke to waterlog Montréal; and the list of small towns and villages flooded across Ontario and Quebec seemed endless. 

It wasn’t just Eastern Canada, though. That long hot summer, drought hit British Columbia and Alberta. The vast wildfires in the BC interior of 2019 started early. The blazes in 2019 made the fires of 2017 and 2018 seem like small dress rehearsals. It was Canada’s Paradise. Vancouver and Calgary were swamped by climate refugees. It was like a war zone, but the bombs were climatic.

Such climate catastrophe had always seemed so far away: mudslides and wildfires in California, hurricanes in Puerto Rico, floods in Houston, and cyclones in India.

What became clear in 2019 was that it wasn’t climate change, it was a climate catastrophe. The catastrophe was undeniable, and yet governments and corporations were in denial. 

We were already living it, and they were not doing enough.

With the scars of fire and flood on our minds, Canadians we began to wonder, “Is there nothing we can do?”

Something could be done, people began to realize. They realized the old economics was not only bankrupt, but had caused the problems in the first place. What the economists had missed, was the obvious. Economic growth on a finite planet can lead only to disaster. The arithmetic was simple, even young families crowded into condos with two kids could easily understand. There wasn’t enough space for everyone on the planet to live like people in Canada—we would need 4.7 planets.

It was not just a summer of realization; it was also a summer of climate action. People began to mobilize and to organize. Students held regular Friday climate strikes. The Extinction Rebellion came to North America. Learning from Greta Thunberg, high school kids from New Brunswick crossed the country by train to galvanize support.

In a country shaken by floods and still burning, the long hot summer of 2019 was the summer when students, Indigenous communities, unions, workers, activists, environmentalists, and voters began to see that doing nothing in the face of climate catastrophe was not inevitable, it was suicidal.

There were alternatives.

It was an election year in Canada. The Conservative parties split the vote on the right, and the scandal-riven Liberals fell back on their clichés and tired old tropes of Neoliberal Carbon Capitalism from the 20th century, which was to become as bankrupt as Communism at the fall of the Berlin Wall. The market will save us, the Liberals seemed to cry. But, their carbon tax was far too little, far too late. Their tax shifted the burden of climate change onto the poorest and least able to pay. It was intensely unpopular. This unpopularity was part of the problem.

The Liberal government fell not to the Conservatives, of course. How could they? The Conservatives still denied climate change. Their leaders were strategizing with oil companies in Alberta. In Ontario, the Provincial Conservatives, with the Doug Ford government, committed to do less than previous governments. Instead, the Liberal majority fell to become partners in a Grand Green Coalition for Climate Change.

It was a Green wave that went further and faster than even the floods had.

The Grand Green Coalition swept to power on the promise of a Green New Deal. Over the next ten years, Canada implemented an aggressive plan of climate transformation and decarbonization, of investments in energy and infrastructure and efficiency, of taxing and shutting down carbon emitters, of restarting the economy for millions with new training and creating new green jobs of retrofitting inefficient buildings, and of creating a popular universal basic income which helped win support and transform an economy away from dirty carbon. Together, it was this shift that allowed us to surpass the Paris Climate agreement by 2030 and to begin to decarbonize.

Our Grand Green Coalition in Canada did not do it alone, of course. The coalition was inspirational, and it helped inspire the election of the Green wing of the Democratic Party, which brought a new President to the White House, who mobilized the United States around a Green New Deal. That was when things began to move quickly. Europe, China, and India followed suit.

It was exciting to be alive. We barely made it, of course. It was a hard decade, perhaps the hardest since the Great Depression and World War Two. But we did it. It is 2030, I’m 47, my son is 16, my parents are 81, and although few people thought we would, we are on track to limiting the climate catastrophe to below 2 degrees. The path towards decarbonization and negative carbon emissions is clear.

The year 2019 of fire and flood was an important year not just because Canadians saw the climate catastrophe wash into away their homes and burn their communities, but because it was the summer despair ended and hard work began.

Daniel Tubb is an environmental anthropologist at the University of New Brunswick in Fredericton. He is a co-investigator with RAVEN.

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It’s time for New Brunswickers to unite around a Green New Deal

A grand new idea is emerging around the world to combat climate catastrophe. A hopeful idea, a way to respond to the clear and present existential threat of our time. My generation’s defining moment. Students and activists and politicians and economists around the world have proposed a vision of a Green New Deal

New Brunswick cannot be left behind. We need our own.

For some living in Fredericton, or on Grand Lake, or in Maugerville, or Gagetown, or the Saint John Valley, Spring 2019 was a catastrophe. Flooded homes. Closed highways. Communities cut off. It is going to get worse. The science is clear.

We are already witnessing what climate catastrophe and crisis looks like around the world, and right home here in New Brunswick. David Wallace-Wells writes in The Uninhabitable Earth: Life After Warming that “it is worse, much worse, than you think.”

Yet we do little in this province.

Yet we do little in this province. There is no Spring at the end of the climate crisis; no back to normal.

It was wet this Spring, and it’s going to get wetter. Summers drier. Storms far worse. Ticks and disease. We are not prepared, and sandbags and soldiers will not be enough.

How long will Fredericton last as the river keeps rising, every spring? What does two feet more do? Three feet? What does Saint John look like as the highest tides in the world get far higher? Do we have to wait for fires like in BC and Alberta to rip through or towns and villages?

We need to respond because it is already a climate emergency.

Yet our business leaders who are now our politicians continue business as usual in the face of an impending crisis. Business as usual is profitable, for some. But the climate catastrophe it’s causing will be devastating for all of us.

And yet, some organize against a carbon tax. The carbon tax is bad, not because it goes too far, but because it doesn’t go far enough. We don’t need to just tax carbon, we need to transform our way of life and our economies.

Our children are organizing Friday’s climate strikes and a campaign against an ecocide of the very ecosystems we rely on to live, to eat, to work, and to play. They don’t care about gas prices, they do care about where they’re going to live in twelve years when they’re graduating high school’s and universities and looking for a job. Twelve years is how long the IPCC tells us we have to avoid total catastrophe, and limit warming to 1.5°C. And, those jobs are not going to be in pumping oil in Alberta, because if they are we are doomed as a planet.

If perhaps our planetary survival depends on a global movement, we also need own provincial vision. Our kids need it. The need to act globally doesn’t preclude the need to act locally. 

In New Brunswick, our emissions per capita are 20.0 tonnes CO2: 3% above the Canadian average of 19.4 tonnes per capita. 

We need a provincial Green New Deal. A plan to tax corporations, and to invest in a transition to renewable energy and clean industry and away from dirty oil refining and industrial scale clear cutting. Such a Green New Deal requires a just transition. One that transforms our infrastructure, reimagines our cities, rethinks our transportation, reshapes the province’s economy, empowers our communities, and embraces renewable energy sources.

It’s about electricity. Some of this will be embracing of renewable energy–solar panels, or windmills, or hydropower. Some of it will also be thinking efficiency. 

It’s economic. New Brunswick is one a Canada‘s poorest provinces. We need to rethink our economy which relies on natural resource extraction.

None of it can be business as usual, it cannot be 20th century dirty carbon capitalism. 

Our children demand it, and before the flood waters rise again, we should too.

On May 8th Megan Mitton, the Green Party MLA for Memramcook-Tantramar, tabled a motion to declare a climate emergency in NB. Bravo to the Greens. 

Will the legislature act? 

The children and teenagers and young people organizing the Friday Climate Strike on the legislature demand action. 

Declaring a climate emergency would is the first step. The second, imagining what a Green New Deal in New Brunswick will look like by 2030.

Daniel Tubb is an environmental anthropologist at the University of New Brunswick in Fredericton.

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It’s anthropologies, not anthropology

A little auto-ethnography. Writing this, I look east over the white crested waves of the Saint John River through the girders of a bridge, once a railway now a footpath, and on towards the hillside campus of the University of New Brunswick Fredericton. Amongst the ubiquitous brick, there is a lone wooden building, also red. Once, rumour has it, the building housed prisoners during the Second World War. Now, it houses the Department of Anthropology and my office. All of this is a far cry from the bustling city of Santiago de Cuba and the annual meetings of the Canadian Anthropology Society in May 2018. Not least because the Saint John River was colder than the Caribbean, but also because there are far fewer anthropologists. And yet, I’m convinced my department is a microcosm for the part of a CASCA meeting I enjoy the most.

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Morning Reading on Liquid Natural Gas in British Colombia

Liquid Natural Gas in British Colombia

Lee, Marc, "Australia’s LNG catastrophe: Why Petronas’ LNG cancellation is a blessing for BC : Policy Note" (Policy Note, July 31, 2017).

Let’s recap: even if BC had an LNG industry today, it would be losing money on every tankerload sent to Asia. The people of BC would be paying higher prices for the gas they consume, while getting negligible public return for all that publicly owned gas. GHG emissions would go up instead of down, and there would be very few jobs.

Notes: Marc Lee argues cancelation of LNG project in BC by Petronas is a good thing because the investments only made sense at higher LNG gas prices, and because of all the negative ramifications for the province.

Crane, David, "Oil and gas development won’t be the big drivers of future Canadian prosperity " (The Hill Times, July 31, 2017).

“The projects mean 39,000 jobs to British Columbia during construction with another 75,000 full-time jobs created once in operation,” the Liberals said. Moreover, the platform said, the LNG jobs would be high-paying, in the $100,000-plus range. At the same time, “we can create $1-trillion in economic activity and create the B.C. Prosperity Fund with $100-billion over 30 years.” The platform went on the state that “the government has set a goal of at least three LNG facilities online by 2020.”

None of this has happened. Similar fantasies could be found in Alberta when oil prices were running above US$100. Alberta would have the lowest taxes in Canada, no provincial debt, and the richest public services. It would be a haven of super-prosperity, and the centre of the new Canada, displacing the old Canada of Ontario and Quebec. Today, Alberta is desperate to diversify its economy.

There will, of course, continue to be investments in the oil and gas industry. But this is now a humbled industry and our future strengths will have to be found elsewhere. That is the challenge.

Notes: Crane asks what if Canada won’t actually be an energy super power, what does that mean for the communities that were supposed to find employment and jobs? What might an anthropology of these projects that never were look like?

MacNamara, Kate, "'Dithering' by B.C., Ottawa helped kill Pacific NorthWest LNG, energy CEO says " (CBC News, July 28, 2017).

“The CEO of one of Canada’s biggest natural gas producers says “government dithering” played a role in the cancellation of a massive liquefied natural gas project in British Columbia. “They [Petronas] kept getting held up ...all levels of government were trying to squeeze more money out of them,” said Mike Rose, head of Tourmaline, among the largest gas producers in Western Canada.

Notes: Industry analysts blame BC government for failure the LNG, and argue that prices will rise in the future, with the US route as an export possibility.

The ECHO Research Group

UNBC, "UNBC to lead national research project on impacts of resource development " (UNBC, June 15, 2017).

NBC’s Dr. Margot Parkes and a team of researchers and partners from across Canada have secured a five-year research grant focused on working together across sectors to prevent adverse impacts from resource development, with specific emphasis on rural, remote and Indigenous communities. The study will receive $2 million from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR). Notes: Press release from UNBC about the ECHO research project at UNBC, working on preventing adverse impacts on rural, remote and Indigenous communities from resource development.

The ECHO Network, "The ECHO Network (Environment, Community, Health Observatory): Strengthening intersectoral capacity to understand and respond to health impacts of resource development" (UNBC, May 11, 2017).

Notes: Description of the ECHO research network in BC, Alberta, and NB, funded by SSHRC.

My day today

My day today is catching up on reading in the morning, alongside two meetings in the afternoon.

I have just finished my morning writing, and I'm very excited. For the first time since finishing a draft of the book in March, I've been able to focus on one writing project in my morning sessions for ten days straight. I'm making steady progress, according to the brilliant Timing app: an hour and 44 minutes today, and 10 hours and 45 minutes over the last ten days. Best of all, I'm stopping while the going is good, and I feel energized for the next task. It helps that I sit outside, at a table, in my small garden.

The contrast with what I did in most of June and July is striking. I was having trouble with Jessica Abel's one goal to rule them all, and instead was picking away at an article under revise and resubmit, the new book idea about Colombia, one of two grant applications, and a new book idea about New Brunswick. I've picked the first, and in a few weeks should have the article revised and resubmitted.

In the meantime, I'm going to the office to read.

Morning Reading on New Brunswick and Colombia

The land question cuts acorss international boundaries.

New Brunswick and Sisson Mine

McQuarrie, Dallas, "Kent County “water warriors” gather on Elsipogtog, view documentary celebrating their historic victory" (NB Media Co-op, July 18, 2017).

“You have to normalize resistance. You have to normalize it in every aspect of what you’re doing,” Suzanne Patles, in Water Warriors.

Elsipogtog First Nation – The story of Indigenous people, Acadians, and Anglophones in one of New Brunswick’s poorest areas successfully defending their homes and communities from the ravages of shale gas development is now the subject of a new documentary film.

Notes: Water Warriors is a 22-minute short film that documents the resistance to fracking in Kent County by Elsipogtog First Nation and allies in 2013.

D'Arcy, Mark, "“Hands Across the Bay of Fundy” for the future we want" (NB Media Co-op, June 20, 2017).

Heavy rains and winds did not dampen the commitment of the approximately 80 people gathered to protect their communities and the Bay of Fundy from the proposed Energy East pipeline on June 17 in Red Head, New Brunswick. The rally and picnic, organized by the Red Head Anthony’s Cove Preservation Association, was the final “Hands Across The Water” event held in the province in June.

Notes: Article describing a protest on the Bay of Funds against the Energy East Pipeline project, which expresses fears from spies and the impact of super tankers on the Bay of Funds written my Mark D’Arcy the Energy East Campaigner for the Council of Canadians.

Council of Canadians Fredericton Chapter,, "March over the Nashwaak River to highlight the secrecy and risks of the Energy East tar sands pipeline project" (NB Media Co-op, June 9, 2017).

A march will be held on Saturday, June 10th in Fredericton across the Nashwaak River, 1:00pm–1:45pm. Starting at 1:00pm, people will meet at the gravel parking area beside 955 Union Street (borders the Nashwaak River and is just below the overpass of the Walking Train Bridge), and then march across the trail bridge over the Nashwaak River.

This march is part of the ‘Hands Across The Water’ events held in June along the proposed tar sands Energy East pipeline route in New Brunswick. This event is organized by the Fredericton chapter of the Council of Canadians.

Notes: Describes a march that would take place on June 17, 2017 from the walking train bridge across the Nashwaak, on the issue of energy east and the Sisson mine

The Land Question in Latin America

Burgos, Stephanie, "Land and inequality in Latin America: a harsh reality unearthed" (Oxfam International, November 30, 2016).

The ownership and control of land by rich elites at the expense of ordinary people is fundamental to understanding the inequality crisis that has engulfed the world. Latin America is a prime example, where extreme concentration of land has been central to its very high levels of inequality. Oxfam’s new report reveals that in recent years this has actually gotten worse. Amazingly, across the Latin American continent, one percent of farms now cover more productive land than all other farms put together.

Notes: Blog post by Oxfam International which summarizes some of the contemporary issues around land and inequality in Latin America, with reference to a new report on land, power, and inequality in Latin America.

Morning Reading on Sisson

This morning I continued reading up on Sisson and oil palm.

New Brunswick and the Sisson Mine

Poitras, Jacques, "How province pressured 6 First Nations to accept Sisson deal" (CBC News, February 13, 2017).

A Maliseet First Nations chief says the New Brunswick government threatened to cancel lucrative tax deals with her band and other Indigenous communities if they didn’t sign an agreement on the Sisson mine. Chief Patricia Bernard of the Madawaska Maliseet First Nation says she doesn’t support the proposed mine, but her band couldn’t risk losing the money it gets from provincial gas, tobacco and sales taxes collected at its Grey Rock commercial development.

Notes: Malisset First Nations Chief claims that the provincial government threatened to cancel tax deals if they did no sign accommodations agreement. The article outlines the importance of tax revenues, but the agreement does not mean support.

Jones, Robert, "Sisson mine approval triggers $3M bonus for 6 Maliseet First Nations " (CBC News, June 26, 2017).

The proposed Sisson tungsten and molybdenum mine near Stanley received federal environmental approval last week, but has triggered a $3-million bonus the province agreed to pay to six Maliseet First Nations—even if the mine was never built.

Notes: CBC article that describes the accommodation agreement with Maliseet First Nations as a bonus, but the company itself notes the project might not go ahead because of low tungsten and molybdenum prices.

Polchies, Andrea L., "Wolustuk Mothers and grandmothers " (GoFundMe, June 27, 2017).

The Wulustukyik (Maliseet) Nation Grandmothers and Mothers are currently out at the sisson mine site in order to prevent the distruction of their ancestral homelands in the heart of their territory.

Notes: The Wulustukyik grandmothers and mothers occupying the Sission Mine site are fundraising on Go Fund Me $10,000. As of June 24, they have fundraiser $1,545.

Paul, Candice, "Maliseet Chiefs respond to CBC story on Sisson" (Conservation Council of New Brunswick, June 29, 2017).

Letter sent by St. Mary’s First Nation Chief Candice Paul on behalf Chief Shelley Sabattis, Chief Gabby Atwin, Chief Ross Perley and Chief Patricia Bernard on June 29, 2017 explaining important details about the Sisson Mine Accommodation agreement.

Notes: The letter raises concerns about inaccuracies in the June 26, 2017 article “Sisson mine approval triggers $3M bonus for 6 Maliseet First Nations” by Robert Jones published by CBC, and contextualizes the Sisson Mine Agreement noting it does not provide Maliseet support for the Mine, as to this day, most of the Maliseet communities and our members oppose the Sisson Mine.

Colombia and Oil Palm

Sánchez-Garzoli, Gimena, "Questions for Luis Gilberto Murillo, Colombia’s Minister of the Environment" (WOLA, May 2, 2017).

While there are diverse environmental issues that affect communities throughout Colombia, the effect of the damage on the majority of afro-descendant and indigenous regions of the Pacific and La Guajira Departments is alarming. Here are some key cases of concern:

Notes: Questions from WOLA to the Luis Gilberto Murillo, Colombia’s Minister of the Environment and former governor of the Chocó, about La Guajira and impacts of coal, oil palm, and agricultural crops on environment, and the Colombian Pacific and impacts of gold mining and coca cultivation, with recommendations of guaranteeing access tower, to address mercury contamination, to open dialogue with afro-Colombian and Indigenous communities, and to implement sustainable coca cultivation.